Vote to Determine Retroactivity of Crack Reduction Today

USSC Crack Reduction Vote

From the Associated Press, an article about the United States Sentencing Commission vote today to determine if the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010 will be made retroactive to currently incarcerated Crack Cocaine offenders. If passed, this could take an about 3 years off a sentence of a conviction involving Crack Cocaine. Here is an excerpt from that article :


Congress passed a law last year substantially lowering recommended sentences for people convicted of crack cocaine crimes, ranging from possession to trafficking. The idea was to fix a longstanding disparity in punishments for crack and powder cocaine crimes, but the new, lower recommended sentences for crack offenders didn’t automatically apply to people already in prison. Now it is up to the six-member U.S. Sentencing Commission to decide whether offenders locked up for crack offenses before the new law took effect should also benefit and get out earlier.

Up to 12,000 of the some 200,000 people incarcerated in federal prisons nationwide could be affected. A report by the commission estimates that the average sentence reduction would be approximately three years, though a judge would still have to approve any reduction.

“There is a tremendous amount of hope out there,” said Mary Price, vice president of Families Against Mandatory Minimums, an advocacy group for prisoners and their relatives. “There is a potential that people could see their sentences reduced, for some quite dramatically.”

At a meeting in early June, commissioners suggested they want to apply the lower recommended sentences to at least some past offenders, but it is unclear how many. Advocacy groups have asked for the widest possible application while a group of 15 Republican lawmakers from the House and Senate wrote a letter to the commission saying the Fair Sentencing Act passed by Congress last year was not intended to benefit any past offenders.

Keep reading soon as we will post more on this as the vote unfolds.

The (over)Power of the Federal Government in America

How America’s Federal Government is Taking Over

“They who can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.”
– Benjamin Franklin

Today, the United States government enjoys unprecedented power over its citizens. With each new administration that enters 1600 Pennsylvania Ave., new legislation is passed which encroaches more and more into the freedoms that American citizens once enjoyed.

Let’s face it: the United States of America that most of us perceive it to be only exists in Country-Western music. In this piece, I’ll shed light onto:

  • The Constitution and its amendments that were created to protect our freedoms;
  • The origin and evolution of the federal government as we know it today;
  • Laws and court decisions that affect them;
  • The difference between freedom and security.

Constitutional Protection

The Supremacy Clause

Before the U.S. Constitution was written and ratified, the Articles of Confederation1 was the document by which all other laws were judged against. These articles held a much stronger stance on the idea of individual state sovereignty and a much weaker stance on the role of centralized government in daily life. To resolve the eventual and unavoidable conflict between state and federal laws, the Constitution included the Supremacy Clause2 which reads:

“This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding.” (Emphasis added)

In plain English this states that the law of the U.S. government takes precedent over conflicting laws of any state only if the federal government is acting within its constitutionally authorized powers. That is why the phrase “in pursuance thereof” was put into the text of the Supremacy Clause above.

The Tenth Amendment

“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”
— Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution

Reading this very short amendment to the U.S. Constitution shows that, unless the constitution delegates a power to the centralized federal government, the federal government doesn’t get that power. However, this amendment is missing a word that originally appeared in Article II of the Articles of Confederation, and the omission of this word makes it weak and ambiguous.

That word is: Expressly.

Specifically, the debate at the time the States were considering ratification of the Bill of Rights (including the Tenth Amendment above) involved starting the proposed amendment with “The powers not (expressly) delegated . . .” to the federal government. Doing so would keep the federal government from having what are called Implied Powers3 which can be open to interpretation depending on the mood, whim, or fad of the current era and administration in power.

The original debate4 from August 21st, 1789 is a fascinating view into discussions the Founding Fathers had about, and insight into the thought processes behind drafting the Constitution.

If the Supremacy Clause and Tenth Amendment are put together, it shows that the Supremacy Clause places all federal laws over conflicting state laws, so long as the federal law is made pursuant to the Constitution. However, now that we’ve seen that the powers of the federal government to make laws are not expressly limited, this opens the door for federal law to trump any state law and call it an “Implied Power.”

Necessary and Proper Clause

The last piece of the Constitution which bears mentioning here is the Necessary and Proper Clause (Article I, Section 8, Clause 18)5, which states that

“The Congress shall have Power – To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the Enumerated Powers6, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.”

When these three parts of the Constitution are looked at together, a problem can be seen:

  • The Supremacy Clause7 places all constitutional federal laws above State laws which may conflict with them;
    • The Tenth Amendment doesn’t expressly limit federal lawmaking, except to the self-interpretation of Implied Powers;
      • The Necessary and Proper Clause8 gives power to the federal government to make any law which is considered necessary and proper to carry out the powers it can imply for itself.

At the time of ratification, the architects of the Constitution thought it would be superfluous to enumerate explicit powers to the federal government. James Madison felt that without implied powers, the “Constitution descended to recount every minutia,” and did not wish to make the Constitution that long (taken from the 1789 Constitutional debate minutes, above).

Although well-intentioned, Mr. Madison didn’t take into consideration where future Presidents and their administrations would push their implied powers. If a Congress can mandate that a state comply with a national law which violates the Constitution’s provision for a state to manage itself where the federal government is not given power (see The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act9 and the The Patriot Act10 below, to name just two), then a State would have no power at all to govern itself unless it is at the discretion of the federal government and not the Constitution.

In the Beginning…

Pre-Civil War

Alexander Hamilton, one of the founding fathers, recognized the danger in a centralized government over-stepping its bounds when making laws and addressed the intent of the Supremacy Clause in the Federalist Papers: Federalist No. 3311. The relevant part of that essay is this:

“But it will not follow from this doctrine that acts of the large society which are not pursuant to its constitutional powers, but which are invasions of the residuary authorities of the smaller societies, will become the supreme law of the land. These will be merely acts of usurpation, and will deserve to be treated as such. Hence we perceive that the clause which declares the supremacy of the laws of the Union, like the one we have just before considered, only declares a truth, which flows immediately and necessarily from the institution of a federal government. It will not, I presume, have escaped observation, that it expressly confines this supremacy to laws made pursuant to the Constitution; which I mention merely as an instance of caution in the convention; since that limitation would have been to be understood, though it had not been expressed.” (Emphasis added)

Some states began to recognize the over-stepping of the federal government and would consider a federal law, “Null and void” if it considered a law unconstitutional. This was the reason behind laws passed by some southern states, such as South Carolina’s Nullification Ordinance12 (enacted November 24, 1832), in response to tariffs enacted by a northern-dominated government. (In this case, the tariffs in question were considered beneficial to the industrial North, but were detrimental to the industrially dependent, agricultural South.)

This protest from the South led to the Nullification Crisis13: the first open aggression between the federal and a State governments in American History. In reaction to the Nullification Ordinance, then-President Andrew Jackson sent a small naval fleet down to South Carolina and also threatened to send federal ground troops to enforce the tariffs.

“Jackson authorized this under color of national authority, claiming in his 1832 Proclamation Regarding Nullification that “our social compact in express terms declares, that the laws of the United States, its Constitution, and treaties made under it, are the supreme law of the land; and for greater caution adds, “that the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.” Here, Jackson clearly omitted the phrase “which shall be made in pursuance thereof” from the Supremacy Clause, indicating that the Constitution was a document conferring absolute sovereign authority to the federal government — which was starkly in opposition to Jefferson’s assertion in The Kentucky Resolutions of 179814, that “the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; would make the federal government, and not the Constitution, final judge of its own powers.” Hence under Jackson’s view, federal law was final, and states had no choice but to obey it.”15

As can be seen here, President Jackson didn’t bother concerning himself with the constitutionality of the tariffs. His concern was that states fall in line with federal law without challenge.

The Civil War

In grade school we learn that the Civil War was about ending slavery in America. While slavery was one issue, the larger issue at hand concerned a State’s right to enact its own laws regarding issues such as legalized slavery. Since slavery by today’s standards is a very bigoted and all-around-unpopular idea, using the idea of abolishing slavery was an easy way to mask the real reason behind the Civil War: Establishing U.S. governmental supremacy over states, regardless of constitutionality.

Abolishing slavery was a good vehicle to play on the emotions of the masses in order to garner popularity for a conflict that stripped away the rights of States and individuals within those States. The immediate impact, though, was about money.

Some historians argue that the Southern secession and the “War Between the States” was actually much more of a financial fight than a war over slavery. Northern-inspired tariffs benefited Northern interests but were detrimental to Southern interests and were destroying the economy in the South16.

With the defeat of the Confederacy in 1865, the U.S. federal government solidified its presence as the highest law in the land — affirming that any challenges to its authority would be met with military might. The constitutionality requirement of the Supremacy Clause could now be overlooked as Andrew Jackson did, with little or no resistance from individual states.

As you can seen here, in the 89 years after the ratification of the U.S. Constitution, the centralized government moved from:

  • Assuming that the Supremacy Clause was a truism and needed no further clarification of specific powers; to
  • Pushing the applicability of the Supremacy Clause under a broad definition of Implied Powers within the Constitution; to
  • Ignoring State’s rights under the Constitution and asserting supreme, centralized federal rule with military might.

Laws and Jurisprudence

I will not delve into every law that encroaches into a State’s right to govern itself effectively, or every court case decision that legalizes the centralized U.S. government’s attempts to do so. I will, however give a few examples of each of these to illustrate the aforementioned assertions.

Health Care Reform
The most recent, red-button issue that brings to light the national government’s move to expand its powers is The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. Some call this new law Obamacare. This law mandates that every American purchase and maintain health insurance, or face fines if found without it.

In a lawsuit17 filed by 26 states jointly, the constitutionality of the new health care reform legislation was called into serious question:

“The Act represents an unprecedented encroachment on the liberty of individuals living in the Plaintiffs’ respective states, by mandating that all citizens and legal residents of the United States have qualifying healthcare coverage or pay a tax. The Constitution nowhere authorizes the United States to mandate, either directly or under threat of penalty, that all citizens and legal residents have qualifying healthcare coverage. By imposing such a mandate, the Act exceeds the powers of the United States under Article I of the Constitution and violates the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution.”18

District and Circuit Courts are split in their decisions regarding these cases (there are more than just the joint case cited above). It is effectively the government-mandating that a citizen of the U.S. purchase a private-sector product. There is a very slippery slope here — one that we shouldn’t be facing given the protections in the Constitution and Tenth Amendment. However, this is what we’re facing and the courts are conflicted.

The Patriot Act
The Patriot Act is a minefield of Constitutionality issues. The passage of the bill came shortly after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and was a reaction to a national sense that our security was breached. The sense of nationalism in America was so strong at the time that opposition to the bill was considered “Un-American.” (The name itself suggests that proponents are patriots, and detractors must not be!)

Most of the criticisms of this bill, constitutionally speaking, are related to the Fourth Amendment protection against unlawful searches. From National Security Letters19, which allow the FBI to conduct records-searches (telephone records, e-mail, financial) without a warrant, to indefinite detention of illegal immigrants, this knee-jerk bill arguably did more to violate the Constitution and individual civil rights than any other bill in history.

Entire novels have been written about this controversy20, but the main idea of the bill is that it gave agencies like the FBI freedom to search people without a warrant and without informing them of the search. The Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is short and sweet:

“The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”

Court decisions of note
The following is a short list of court cases which pertain to this trend of governmental power grabbing.

United States v. Darby21 is an often repeated decision by the U.S. Supreme Court which highlights the problems that exist because the word “expressly” was omitted from the Tenth Amendment. This establishes that the federal government can construe Implied Powers very broadly with little to no recourse by a State government.

Missouri v. Holland22 held that the federal government’s ability to make treaties trumps any State concerns that such treaties might abrogate States’ rights arising under the Tenth Amendment.

Mayfield v. United States23 found that one or more portions of the PATRIOT Act violated the Fourth Amendment protection against illegal searches and seizures.

United States v. Alfonso Lopez Jr.24 was the first Supreme Court case since the New Deal to set limits to Congress’s power under the Commerce Clause of the United States Constitution.

Gonzales v. Raich25 ruled that under the Commerce Clause, Congress may criminalize the production and use of home-grown marijuana even where States approve its use for medicinal purposes.

(Author’s Note: this decision means that even when the act is committed inside a State, and the results of such commerce never leave the State, it can still be a federal crime. Why? Because growing medicinal Marijuana can impact the supply-and-demand chain outside a given State’s borders. Justify it however you want, Supreme Court, but anything grown, used, and/or sold within a single State’s borders cannot constitutionally be criminalized at the federal level.)

Freedom vs. Security – Boiling the Frog

Boiling the Frog

Have you ever learned how to boil a frog? If you drop a frog into a pot of boiling water, it’ll immediately hop out. However, if you place the frog into room temperature water, then slowly boil that water with the frog in it, he’ll gradually boil to death before realizing the need to escape.

It’s an old proverb that is applicable to contemporary Americans. Over the last 180 years, since the time of the Nullification Crisis before the Civil War, the centralized federal government has incrementally exercised more and more power over the States and citizens beneath it that, much of the time, there is no public outcry at all for the loss of rights and freedoms enjoyed before.

Other times the power transfer is much more observable. In the case of the PATRIOT Act, as the United States was grieving deeply over the instantaneous loss of thousands of civilians at the hands of terrorists, we as citizens were willing to tolerate this Act and all the intrusions it meant in order to feel safer and more secure. Initially we were told it was just emergency provisions, as it was set to expire three years later.

Even though it was written with an expiration date, the emergency powers granted by the Act have not gone away. Congress has extended the Act multiple times, as recently as February 8, 2011 by the oversight of President Barack Obama.

Why has there been no public outcry? The short answer is that we’ve been living with infringed civil liberties for enough time that it wasn’t even news. This is our boiling frog.

Freedom vs. Security

A financial author and investment expert named Robert Kiyosaki confronted a simple human emotion and illustrated it with jobs. Freedom is what most Americans claim to cherish to their core. Safety and security are basic human needs and the drive to achieve security is very strong26. However, to Kiyosaki, freedom and security are opposing ideals.

One of the most secure jobs one can think of in America would be government service — more specifically, military service. Once out of basic training, a new member of the military cannot quit. It is a steady paycheck, for the period of enlistment, guaranteed. However, the security of this employment means giving up a number of freedoms (ironically, to protect the freedoms of others). A soldier cannot choose where he or she lives, what job he or she is assigned, when he or she deploys, or how much he or she makes. Security of employment, therefore, comes with a sacrifice of freedoms.

Freedom of employment, namely self-employment, comes with a complete lack of security. Personal income has infinite potential, there are no set work hours, and one has as many vacation days as one wants. However, there are no guarantees in business-ownership. There is no safety net; no security of income.

The desire for freedom directly opposes security. It is much the same for citizens of free and democratic societies. The level of desired security always comes at the price of freedom. The number of freedoms that we, as American citizens, are willing to sacrifice in the name of security is a tough balancing act. However, once a society loses any freedom by relinquishing it to the power of the federal government, that freedom is rarely, if ever, returned.

Conclusion

Some of the most fundamental aspects of American society are based on security, not freedom. The largest expenditures of the U.S. government are defense and Social Security/Welfare/Medicare. The national debt is over $14 Trillion. The daily budget deficit is over $4 Billion every day.

As a society, the U.S. is going broke. It/we are going broke to protect physical security (defense and Medicare/Medicaid), and financial security (Social Security/Welfare). These are safety nets that the People won’t do without. These programs deprive us of our freedoms of income potential (taxes) and civil liberties (the PATRIOT Act, et. al.).

Calling America a “free society” is a complete fallacy and misnomer. Americans have accepted the bending and breaking of our Constitution and the freedoms it provides in the name of security.

  • In the name of equality we abolished slavery and won the Civil War. What we got was a federal government that could rule outside the Constitution for an immediate “greater good” but established a precedent that went far beyond slavery.
  • In the name of financial security, we established Social Security27. What we got was the second largest expenditure in the current U.S. budget and the taxes/debt that go towards maintaining it. Almost half of federal income tax dollars go to Social Security and medical care (Medicare/Medicaid).
  • In the name of safety we allowed the PATRIOT Act. What we got was government and law enforcement that could violate the Fourth Amendment at will, so long as it was construed to protect against terrorism.
  • In the name of protecting our children, America has established and tolerated laws which violate the basic freedoms given by the Constitution on a daily basis28.

Freedom is a warm and fuzzy word that gives pride to Americans. However, how much freedom is there left that we had in 1776? Is it worth it?

Before you answer, take a look at the Traffic Safety Administration. Just voicing one’s opinion negatively toward the TSA, a First Amendment guarantee, can justify being treated as a terrorist29.

My personal answer is no.

A lot of hot air is given to the topic of “Personal Responsibility” that citizens should take upon themselves. This idea of fending for one’s self is the basis of what freedom is. Taking responsibility for income, health, personal safety, and future is what freedom is. Reliance on the government to supply these things for us is, in essence, giving away the freedoms we love.

It cannot be had both ways.

I choose freedom every time. However, the representative government America has will not bend on spending for defense and Social Security lest they be voted out of office. We, as a people, have traded (or tolerated the trade of) freedom for security. It’s hypocritical to expect security while demanding freedom. Until the voting citizens of America demand their freedoms and accept the responsibility their own security, the status-quo will not change.

Freedom and security are trade-offs. It cannot be had both ways.

  1. Text of the Articles of Confederation []
  2. Provision under Article IV, Section 2 of the U.S. Constitution, providing that federal law is superior to and overrides state law when they conflict. Legal Information Institute []
  3. The Necessary and Proper Clause from Article I, Section 8, clause 18 of the U.S. Constitution grants to Congress the power to enact laws to carry out the “enumerated powers” (Clauses 1-17) that are specifically assigned to the federal government. []
  4. House of Representatives, Amendments to the Constitution; 18, 21 Aug. 1789;Annals 1:761, 767–68 []
  5. Implied Powers []
  6. Article I Section 8, Clauses 1-17 []
  7. Provision under Article IV, Section 2 of the U.S. Constitution, providing that federal law is superior to and overrides state law when they conflict. Legal Information Institute []
  8. Implied Powers []
  9. H.R.3590 – Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act: full text []
  10. H.R. 3162 — USA PATRIOT Act: full text []
  11. Full text of Federalist No. 33 []
  12. South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification, November 24, 1832 []
  13. Discussion of the Nullification Crisis []
  14. http://www.constitution.org/cons/kent1798.htm []
  15. Taken from the Wikipedia entry for “State’s Rights” []
  16. The Great Centralizer: Abraham Lincoln and the War between the States>/a>; DiLorenzo (1998) []
  17. 26-State Class Action Complaint filed 3/23/10 []
  18. 26-State Class Action Complaint filed 3/23/10 []
  19. A Review of the FBI’s Use of National Security Letters: Assessment of Corrective Actions and Examination of NSL Usage in 2006 []
  20. Amazon’s list of books on the PATRIOT Act and its impact []
  21. United States v. Darby 312 U.S. 100, 124 (1941) []
  22. Missouri v. Holland, 252 U.S. 416 (1920) []
  23. Mayfield v. United States, 504 F. Supp. 2d 1023 (2007) []
  24. United States v. Alfonso Lopez Jr., 514 U.S. 549 (1995) []
  25. Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1 (2005) []
  26. see Maslow’s Hierarchy []
  27. The Social Security Act of 1935 []
  28. Trading Freedoms: for the Children []
  29. TSA security looks at people who complain about … TSA security []

Judges speak against the “War on Drugs”

Life without Parole for Selling Drugs

In a Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals concurring opinion, Judge Davis wrote what many judges, including the sentencing judge in the district court below in this case, have expressed about the mandates for sentencing incumbent in the “War on Drugs”.

It is said so well in Judge Davis’ concurring opinion that I will simply get out of his way and post an excerpt below. The entire opinion is a good read if you are interested in federal sentencing policy-insanity.

The distinguished district judge was aghast that the now forty-year-old Tony Gregg would spend the rest of his life in federal prison for selling small amounts of crack cocaine over a period of several weeks out of a hotel room in a run-down section of Richmond…

[P]rior to trial, Gregg was offered a plea agreement for a twenty-year sentence; when he rejected the government’s offer, the government went all out for the life sentence found to be unjust by the district court. Of the government’s four non-law-enforcement witnesses at the one-day trial below, all four were women who were themselves, like Gregg, users and sellers of crack cocaine and heroin who worked with Gregg to sell crack cocaine.

Understandably, perhaps, to many, Gregg is not a sympathetic figure; they will think: he got what he deserved. To many others, perhaps, matters are not so clear. Indeed, many would say that Tony Gregg seems to be one more of the drug war’s “expendables.” See Nora V. Demleitner, “Collateral Damage”: No Re-Entry for Drug Offenders, 47 Vill. L. Rev. 1027, 1050 (2002).

This case presents familiar facts seen in courts across the country: a defendant addicted to narcotics selling narcotics in order to support his habit. Unfortunately for Gregg and countless other poorly-educated, drug-dependant offenders, current drug prosecution and sentencing policy mandates that he spend the rest of his life in prison….

The mass incarceration of drug offenders persists into the second decade of the twenty-first century despite the fact that research consistently demonstrates that the current approach to combating illegal drug use and drug trafficking is a failure…. Even the U.S. drug czar, a position created by the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988, admits the war on drugs is failing, stating that after 40 years and $1 trillion, “it has not been successful … the concern about drugs and drug problems is, if anything, magnified, intensified.” Martha Mendoza, After 40 Years and $1 Trillion, Drug Use Is Rampant and Violence Pervasive, Associated Press, May 13, 2010.

I share the district judge’s dismay over the legallymandated sentence he must impose in this case. While the controlling legal principles require us to order the reimposition of a sentence of life without parole in this case, the time has long passed when policymakers should come to acknowledge the nation’s failed drug policy and to act on that acknowledgement.

As a nation, we are smart enough to do better.

Important Recent Supreme Court Decisions

The U.S. Supreme Court has made some very important decisions during this year’s session. Some of these decisions directly affect the life and possibilities of relief for those facing or serving time in federal prison. Here are three of the biggest ones.

Tapia v. United States

[Decision]

Federal law does not allow rehabilitation to be used as a factor when handing down a sentence1. Now the Supreme Court has put case law behind this. Ms.Tapia was given a lengthened sentence of incarceration for the purpose of providing sufficient sentence-length to participate in the Bureau of Prison’s Residential Drug Abuse Program (RDAP). Successful completion of this program could shorten her sentence by up to on year if completed successfully. However, this reduction is not guaranteed.

Why is this important? Two reasons: First, the U.S. Supreme Court is on-record acknowledging that prison has no rehabilitative properties. Second, a judge cannot extend a sentence that would have normally been handed down in the interest of rehabilitation. If you were sentenced in this way, you can now appeal citing Tapia v. United States and have the excessive length removed from your sentence. Let us help you do that!

Brown v. Plata

[Decision]

The United States incarcerates its citizens at seven to ten times the rate of European countries2. In real-world terms, one out of every 736 people in the United States is currently behind bars.

We deem it necessary to incarcerate more of our people—in rate as well as absolute numbers—than the world’s most draconian authoritarian regimes. Think about that. Despite our “land of the free” motto, we have more prisoners than China, and they have a billion more people than we do3.

In California, overcrowding has become so sever that — as of this court decision — being incarcerated there is a violation of the Cruel and Unusual Punishment clause of the 8th amendment to the U.S. Constitution! The decision in Brown v. Plata was to order California to decrease its prison population. While this decision seems obvious to many citizens who recognize how broken the prison system is, the Supreme Court wasn’t so convinced. What should have been a slam-dunk, unanimous decision ended up being a 5-4 split in favor of Plata. Some justices believe that releasing any individual before their sentence is completed puts the public at undue risk.

Respectfully, I believe that his notion is simply the result of fear-mongering by the uninformed. Releasing people from their sentences ahead of schedule will not cause the sky to fall.

Bond v. United States

[Decision]

Until this decision, many defendants were prevented from making legitimate claims against the court because certain parts of the Constitution were not considered to be appropriate for these individuals to use.

In Bond, the defendant inflicted a minor burn on her husband’s mistress by putting caustic substances on objects the woman was likely to touch. She was charged in federal court for violating the Chemical Weapons Treaty4. This charge is reserved for terrorists using chemical weapons and dirty bombs — not putting skin irritants on a mistress’ keyboard and mouse. Bond challenged this, citing that her charge violated the 10th amendment to the U.S. Constitution which prevents the federal government from interfering with powers reserved for States.

More can be said about this decision, but in basic terms: if the federal government can bring down charges based on major treaties and Congressional acts simply to railroad a defendant, then a defendant can bring down the full force of the Constitution to combat such insanity. The 10th amendment was formerly reserved for State’s use only in federal court (e.g., the 26-state class action lawsuit against the current “ObamaCare” bill). Now, under Bond, an individual defendant may use the 10th amendment as a defense in federal court.

Round-up

While only the Tapia ruling has immediate implications on federal defendants and federal inmates, all three decisions are important in the inevitable reform of the American system of mass incarceration. How this reform will occur is anybody’s guess. However, when the federal and state government refuse to actively remedy the cruel and unusual conditions under which they incarcerate the citizens of this country, the courts can and do assert their power to provide relief and take the lead in the needed reform of laws, jurisprudence, and perceptions of the prison system.

  1. 18 U.S.C. 3582 []
  2. From the International Centre for Prison Studies []
  3. In Defense of Flogging by Peter Moskos []
  4. 18 U.S.C. §229(a), F(1), (7), (8) []

Early Release from Federal Probation – Success

Our Services Work!

We offer easy, fast, and affordable services to help clients gain early release from federal probation, or supervised release (as the case may be). You can see our main page on our services at our service’s main page.

The actual filing of a motion to gain early release from federal probation can be complicated or simple, depending on the district in which the filing is submitted. However, district courts can be very forgiving of pro se clients at that low of a level, because judges realize that defendants aren’t professional attorneys. However, writing a letter to a judge, or submitting a fill-in-the-blank motion can be a mistake.

What if that judge isn’t in a very forgiving mood that day? Chances are, your request for early release from federal probation gets denied for a procedural error without even being considered.

Here at PCR Consultants, we ensure that your paperwork speaks the Court’s “language”, and that language is legalese. With proper paperwork, and well-formed arguments using the eight laws and nine policies judges consider when these requests make it to their desk, we turbo-charge what would normally be a best-guess attempt at gaining early termination.

Here’s the Proof!

Follow the link below for a judicial order in favor of on of our client. In this case, early release from federal probation came about the halfway point of supervision

Supervised Release ended before two full years were served.
(Client name redacted to protect privacy)

A Broken System – No Crime or No Punishment

The System is Broken

What is the purpose of incarceration?

Official definitions and intentions of prison time vary, but the basic principles are these: protecting the public from danger, rehabilitating offenders, and metering would-be
offenders from committing similar crimes in the future.

It seems commonly known that the way the United States government, and the states beneath it, incarcerates people is broken. So much so that the United States Supreme Court has recently ordered California to release a large portion of its incarcerated population. The decision states that California prisons are so overcrowded that basic medical and mental health care cannot be reasonably provided which qualifies as cruel and unusual punishment.

Two Examples in the News

Here are two stories which highlight the most fractured pieces of the Judicial branch of government, arguably the first cog in this engine of mass incarceration.

John Edwards

Former presidential candidate John Edwards was indicted on Friday June 3, 2011 on charges that, basically, he is a Dirtbag. The case against Edwards cites a very liberal interpretation of campaign finance laws from 1971, and a conspiracy charge wholly predicated on the illegal nature of the alleged campaign finance violations.

Edwards is a dirty politician [redundancy intentional], without a doubt. Add to his status as a politician, he is a lying jerk who cheated on his wife while she was losing a battle with terminal cancer. He also had a child with his mistress, which he tried to hide, while his wife was dying. He is not a man of moral integrity. However, he may very well have not broken any laws.

That, however, is a decision for the federal courts to make.

In the negotiations that occurred just before his indictment was handed down by a Grand Jury, a plea agreement was discussed well into the early morning hours. The negotiations evolved from 2 felony guilty pleas without to 3 misdemeanor pleas with possibility of incarceration. Prosecutors wanted a felony on his record jail time. Edwards, who is a trial attorney himself, declined the final offer because it prevented his attorneys from even discussing incarceration alternatives with the judge.

In this case (as in so many others) prosecutorial charging and bargaining choices are driven by prosecutorial interest and power to demand a certain type of sentence.

Ryan LeVin Purchases his Freedom

An Illinois man killed two British businessmen while driving drunk. The Chicago Tribune reported the story as the sentencing piece unfolded. Prison time was pit against financially providing for the two families of the dead businessmen.

Ryan LeVin, 36, will spend 2 years on home confinement in one of his parents’ waterfront condominiums. This, for killing two men with his Porsche 911 Turbo. This seemingly light sentence came to be when the decision had to be made between using LeVin’s substantial financial means to provide for the families of his victims and that of punishing him through incarceration (of which he was facing up to 45 years).

In the end, his checkbook bought his freedom from prison. The decision has caused a lot of ire from the legal profession about the system and freedom being for sale.

Appeals and Habeas Corpus Petitions

Types of Judicial Relief

When all direct appeals have been exhausted by a defendant (inmate), many times hope feels lost. This is a normal feeling, but not true. After direct appeals are finished with no relief, there are three separate options for relief. All three are Writs, and each has a specific use.

These are:

Contact Us for a Free Consultation

PCR Consultants is a different kind of consulting agency. PCR stands for Post Conviction Relief and we focus on changing outcomes when contending with the federal justice system, Bureau of Prisons, and United States Probation.

Find out how we can help by calling us for a free consultation at (480) 382-9287.

For more ways to contact us, visit our contact us page for contact form and e-mail addresses. Read on for more information about the use of habeas writs.

Uses of Habeas Corpus Motions

The two Writs of Habeas Corpus are used by a criminal defendant who is currently incarcerated. Depending on the situation, each can be used to grant relief to the inmate.

A §2255 motion (or petition) is used to challenge the underlying sentence and/or conviction in ways that are unavailable on direct appeal. The vast majority of these motions cite “Ineffective Assistance of Counsel” as a basis for challenge. If a lawyer clearly did a terrible job, this form of relief may be what an inmate needs to reverse his conviction. Strong standards apply to this type of appeal, but relief is not at all impossible with the right help.

A §2241 motion (or petition) is used to challenge conditions or legality of confinement. If unconstitutional treatment is given to an inmate, this type of relief is best used. This type of relief is of particular importance for inmates who are held after their sentence has expired, if they are being held illegally, or if execution of a sentence is being improperly managed by the Bureau of Prisons.

Writ of Coram Nobis

This is a special writ that is based in Common Law. Used only after a sentence of imprisonment is finished, this tool is used to overturn a conviction long after the fact if circumstances have changed in the legal landscape. If a form of prosecution used to convict is deemed illegal or unconstitutional, this writ can be used effectively to remove a criminal conviction from an ex-con’s record.

Bureau of Prisons – Administrative Remedies

A Necessity for Relief

The Administrative Remedy system is an idea that pervades throughout most all prison systems within the United States. It was created to keep prisons in compliance with federal laws which protect inmates against 8th Amendment violations for cruel and unusual punishment. The implementation also gives the appearance that a prison will hear and resolve grievances from its inmates.

This appearance is usually an illusion. Administrative Remedies work very infrequently and, if they do, it is only because that institution was so far out of legal compliance that a change needed to occur in order to prevent serious repercussions from the judicial and regulatory government above it.

A Necessary Evil

It is understandable why the federal court system requires these remedies to be tried and exhausted. An attempt must be made by the inmate to resolve his or her complaints within the prison system before getting the courts involved. Otherwise the court system would be filled with requests for small things like more toilet paper or other things of equally low priority (to a federal judge).

However, just because the need for remedy attempts exist, there is no relief that normally comes from them. The Bureau of Prisons is especially adept at stalling, delaying, ‘losing’ forms, and pushing time-frames so the inmate appears to have not properly used the remedy system and therefore cannot file a lawsuit.

That is correct. All administrative remedies must be completed within guidelines set by the Bureau of Prisons before legal action can formally be taken. If the BOP can disrupt this process, it can create an endless cycle of remedies that traps an inmate in bureaucratic red-tape so legal remedies can’t be sought. Or, at least, that seems to be the game.

There is Hope

There is an upside, though. Knowing the exact laws which tell the BOP how these remedies must be processed gives a legally sound shortcut through the games. I critical point in establishing a federal lawsuits is finishing these remedies, and PCR Consultants can show you and your inmate-loved-one just how to do it and avoid wasting precious weeks haggling with a system that is built to scramble the remedy system.